Comparing two foreign
policies:
FHC and Lula in perspective
Selected
topics |
FHC |
Lula |
|
Relations
with the United States |
Essential, cooperative; sectoral disagreements,
most limited to trade issues; �realistic� emphasys on bilateral cooperation;
moderate reciprocity |
Important, but not deemed essential; large
areas of disagreement, both political and economic; political emphasys
on multipolarity; strict reciprocity |
|
South
America |
Strategic relationship, rethorical emphasys
but little real initiatives during first mandate; Andean-Mercosur trade
pact stalled; Brasilia meeting of heads of State, second mandate (Sept.
2000); physical integration (IIRSA) |
Strategic relationship, political initiatives
to translate rethorics into reality; bilateral visits to and from all
countries; resumed regional trade negotiations (at last a CAN-Mercosur
agreement); yes to physical integration |
|
Europe |
Historical ties, most important partner,
but realistic assumption on trade opening; not viewed as strategic leverage in the
relationship with the U.S. |
Important partner and a compensating role
in the strategic alliance against unilateralism (U.S.); Trade pact Mercosur-EU viewed as more
beneficious than the FTAA |
|
Mercosur |
One of the top priorities of the Brazilian
foreign policy: a possible basis for economic integration into the world
and the strengthening of economic relationships in the region; trade
and economics first |
The top priority of the foreign policy: strategic
importance and a basis for the political union of South America, free
from outside influences and hegemonic constraints (fortress); social
and politics take the lead |
|
Argentina |
A strategic partner; political and economic
coordination within limits in some grounds; realistic assumptions
on Mercosur common currency |
The strategic partner; frequent talks on
many issues, looking for shared policies (FTAA, f.i); pursuit of a common
currency and political union in Mercosur |
|
FTAA |
Not very enthusiastic, but no real opposition;
could be a real opportunity for the modernization of Brazilian economy;
realistic bargaining over sectoral protectionist policies (U.S. farm
subsidies) and acceptance of new issues (rules and access) |
PT opposed, at first; Lula candidate:
�annexation�; Reluctant acceptance in power, and very
hard bargain at negotiating table; �compensations� to correct structural
asymetries; very limited agreement on new rules in the absence of real
market access (farm sector) |
|
Multilateralism,
UN Security Council |
Realistic multilateralism; reliance on
international law but tacit acceptance of the �more equals�; a non-insistant
candidate to a UNSC permanent chair |
Strong multilateralism; sovereignity and
equality of all countries; alliances with other middle powers and emerging
economies; UNSC chair: a top priority |
|
Brazil
as a �leader� |
Saw as result of economic preeminence
and limited to the region; awareness of the Brazilian limited strategic
and economic capabilities; cooperation with Africa |
A main political objective, not only in
the region; to be acquired by diplomatic activism; no apparent constraints
in �real� factors; solidarity with Africa |
|
Globalization |
At first, a new Renaissance; after, limitations
due to asymetries and volatility; implicit acceptance of the Washington
consensus; yes to Davos, not even accepted in Porto
Alegre; economic sustainability |
At first, �a new world is possible�: yes
to Porto Alegre; a resounding no to Davos; after, realistic dialogue
with both worlds; explicit refusal of the Washington consensus; social
sustainability |
|
IMF,
hot money |
Non-ideological approach; cooperative
relationship during financial turmoil; accept as long as needed |
PT opposed any agreement, at first; reluctant
acceptance and silent distrust, after; tolerate only while needed |
|
WTO,
multilateral trade negotiations, South-South |
Full participation, moderate activism;
economic interdependence and openess to FDI; dialogue but not real coordination
with the South |
Full participation, strong activism; national
economic sovereignity and sectoral development policies; strategic alliances
(G-20; South Africa and India) |
Foreign tools |
Itamaraty as main locus; presidential
diplomacy; economic priorities; accept the world as it is; perhaps a Tobin
tax; dialogue with the G-7 and a OECD-like approach to international
agenda |
Itamaraty and advisors; presidential diplomacy;
political priorities at
first; to change the world
(Zero Hunger); yes to Tobin tax and other �corrective� instruments;
G-8 dialogue and G-15 coordination |
| Conception
and selection of issues: Paulo Roberto de Almeida (21 Feb 2004) |
||